DEVELOPMENT POLICY KIOSK
"quis custodiet ipsos custodes"
 Decimus Junius Juvenal 50-130 A.D.

CHINESE KIOSK

Comments on Draft OP/BP 4.12: Involuntary Resettlement

* Comment was also published by the World Bank on their page

 

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Commentator  (in alphabetical order)

*Dinesh Agrawal
Deputy General Manager (R&R)
National Thermal Power Corporation Ltd.
India 4 October 1999

*Mr. Shahid Alam (Former Project Director, Resettlement, JMBP) Resettlement Specialist, Jamuna Bridge Railway Link Project Dhaka, Bangladesh

 

*Richard E. Bissell Executive Director, Policy Division National Academy of Sciences Washington, D.C

 

Peter Bosshard

Berne Declaration , 29 September

 

*Peter Bosshard
Berne Declaration
Switzerland 23 September 1999

 

*Anna Dunets
John van Nostrand Associates

 

*T. Herbert
Prerana Resource Centre

 

* Jane Hill

President of the

American Anthropological Association

 

*Ryan Hunter
Slovak National Coordinator
CEE Bankwatch Network
Center for Environmental Public Advocacy
Slovak Republic September 10, 1999

*Rohit Jain
Vice President
CADAM
Delhi, India 28 September 1999

*Manish Joshi
Rural Litigation and Entitlement Kendra
Dehradun, U.P., India September 15, 1999

 

*Monsieur Jean Roger Mercier
Responsable environnementale pour l'Afrique.
Washington September 8, 1999

 

* Jim Nations, Conservation International

 

*Dr. NDE
Executive President
Committee for the Coordination of Durable Development (CCDD)
Date of Creation: 1995
Statute: NGO    Comment of 9 September 1999

 

* Alexandra Page
Indian Law Resource Center

 

*Minar Pimple
Executive Director
Youth for Unity and Voluntary Action (YUVA)
Mumbai, India 17 September 1999

*Sam Rao, Senior Vice President KCP Associates International Chicago/Manila/Nairobi

*B. Venkat Rao
Director
Ventre for Management and Social Research
Hyderabad, India 21 September 1999

*D. Narasimha Reddy
Executive Director
Centre for Resource Education,
Hyderabad, India September 14, 1999

*Ritsumeikan University Research Group on Involuntary Resettlement
Chie GONDO,  Takako HARUYAMA, Bunpei HIROTA, Hirokatsu INOUE,
Hiroyuki  IKUTA,  Phil Hwa JO, Masao KAWAI, Nang Mya Kay Khaing , Yuji OGAWA, Akinori SEKIDO, Hiroki SHIGENO, Shigehiro TAKAGI, Naoki UEHATA, Makoto YAGUCHI

*Thayer Scudder California Institute of Technology

* Pierre Senecal
Conseiller Environment, Hydro-Quebec
Chair, EIA Technical Committee
Canadian Standards Association (CSA International)
IAIA Past-president 1996-97

Alex Wilks  Coordinator, The Brenton Woods Project

*Achyut Yagnik
Convenor
Forum 21
Ahmedabad, India 27 September 1999

 

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Peter Bosshard

Berne Declaration

29 September

 

BD Comments on the World Bank's Resettlement Policy Conversion

 

Introduction:

 

The Berne Declaration appreciates the opportunity to comment on the proposed conversion of the World Bank's resettlement and rehabilitation policy (OD 4.30/OP 4.12). The BD is a Swiss non-governmental organization with 16,000 members. It has advocated more equitable and environmentally sustainable North-South relations since 1968.

 

The BD has monitored World Bank projects such as the India NTPC Power Generation project for many years. Like many other NGOs, has often been disturbed about the failure of rehabilitation in resettlement projects. This failure has created severe problems for 100,000s of people, and has triggered some of the most important requests for investigation by the Inspection Panel. The pending policy conversion must help to improve the performance of resettlement projects. This is a test case for the World Bank's commitment to the overarching goal of poverty reduction.

 

The following comments focus on the issues of monitoring and supervision, of land-for-land vs. cash compensation, and of restoration vs. improvement of incomes. The Berne Declaration is concerned that rather than addressing the critical loopholes of OD 4.30, the proposed new policy severely weakens a core provision of the current policy. This weakening contradicts earlier claims that the ongoing conversion process would not water down the earlier operational directives.

 

Monitoring and supervision:

 

In paragraphs 5, 16 and 22, the proposed OP 4.12 attributes the responsibility for monitoring to the borrowing government, and for supervision to the Bank. This new distinction weakens the position of affected people and qualifies the Bank's commitment to project implementation. Experience indicates that an effective monitoring of resettlement projects is usually lacking, and that governments are hardly ever committed to complying with Bank policies. OED's June 1998 report on "Recent Experience with Involuntary Resettlement" refers to "the governments' disinterest in the M&E activity", which was "undisguised and tolerated by the bank" (p. 5, para. 17). With such a poor record of the past, the Bank should not disengage from its responsibility for project monitoring.

 

In footnote 20, the proposed OP 4.12 suggests that borrowers create independent advisory panels of resettlement specialists, a procedure which is now followed for environmental assessments. This idea deserves support. The proposed panels could be strengthened if they were established by the Bank and not the borrowers. Their reports should be made available toproject-affected people as a matter of principle.

 

Land-for-land vs. cash compensation

 

According to OD 4.30, "the Bank encourages 'land for land' approaches, providing replacement land at least equivalent to the lost land". This is a core provision of the current directive, which has encouraged similar provisions in the R&R policies of many borrowing governments and agencies. It is strongly qualified by the proposed new policy, which states in paragraph 9: "If sufficient land is not available, non land-based options built around opportunities for employment or self-employment should be provided in addition to cash compensation for land and other assets lost." 

 

This change of policy is completely unacceptable. Contrary to the Bank's wishful thinking, non land-based rehabilitation options - and especially the much-touted self-employment schemes - have so far almost always failed, and particularly in rural settings. While land is passed on from one generation to the next, cash compensation is typically spent within a short period, and training programs are usually not sufficient to turn farmers and peasants into successful entrepreneurs in saturated markets. The failure of non land-based rehabilitation is confirmed by OED's June 1998report (pp. 8 and 55), and by the reports of the Inspection Panel e.g. onthe NTPC project in India. OED argues that this "only means the Bank has to put many more of its best development planners onto the task" (p. 8). Yet it would be cynical to weaken the policy before the best development planners have demonstrated their ability to deliver non land-based rehabilitation. The impact of this change will be borne by affected people, who typically belong to the poorest members of society.

 

Some observers might argue that since many Bank projects have not included land-for-land rehabilitation in the past anyway, the proposed policy conversion will not change much in actual practice. Yet so far, the official preference for land-based rehabilitation has tended to discourage borrowers and task managers from engaging in difficult resettlement operations. Indirectly, the stated policy has helped to prevent the externalization of social costs, and has contributed to a certain reduction(although not minimization) of resettlement. The Berne Declaration is concerned that giving up the preference for land-based rehabilitation might open the floodgates and weaken the healthy scepticism among Bank staff and borrowers to engage in resettlement projects.

 

Land-based rehabilitation is often very difficult to achieve. Still, the Bank should not qualify its preference for this option as long as it is not capable of minimizing resettlement on the conceptual level, and as long as alternative options such as self-employment schemes have not been demonstrated to work. The Bank's new OP 4.12 should therefore stick to the preference for land-for-land rehabilitation as expressed in OD 4.30.

 

Improving vs. restoring income levels

 

A central problem of the present policy and practice is that resettlement and rehabilitation are usually not conceived as development projects, butas mere compensation efforts. In paragraph 1, draft OP 4.12 continues to accept the "restoration" of income levels which was stipulated by OD 4.30.In his comments on 27 July, 1999, Prof. Thayer Scudder convincingly argues that the restoration of pre-project income levels often means a reduction of the standards of living. The Berne Declaration agrees with Prof. Scudder in that rehabilitation should be conceived as development projects, that OP4.12 should stipulate an improvement of the living standard of affected people, and that the reference to income restoration should be deleted.

 

Thank you for your consideration of these comments.

 

Peter Bosshard

 

Berne Declaration

 

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Alex Wilks 

Coordinator, The Brenton Woods Project

[The Bretton Woods Project works on World Bank and IMF issues  with a network of 27 UK non-government organization]

 

30 September 1999

 

Resettlement policy conversion: comments and suggestions

 

 

Dear Maninder Gill,

 

Thank you for your letter of 19 July asking the Bretton Woods Project to prepare comments on the Bank's conversion of its Operational Directive on Involuntary Resettlement. The Bank's decision to circulate the proposed new documents in draft form for comments is very welcome and will I am sure improve the final products. 

In my current position, my previous work with The Ecologist, I co-wrote Evicted!, the World Bank, British Aid and Forced Resettlement, and my work over about 8 years in support of the Narmada Bachao Andolan, India and the World Commission on Dams, I have come to appreciate the importance of how resettlement policy is framed and implemented. On the documents you sent, I have the following three main comments. 

 

1)Minimising displacement: what methodology?

 

It is clear to me, especially from reading the Morse Report, the Bank's 1994 resettlement review, and my visits to some of the disgraceful resettlement sites for people displaced by the Sardar Sarovar/Narmada project, that the overriding aim of any resettlement policy should be to ensure that displacement is minimised, as there are extremely few cases where relocation and compensation of project affected people have happened successfully. 

 

Recognising this overarching aim, I would strongly recommend that you clarify what the Bank means by "exploring all viable alternative project designs" [BP, § 1, (a)]. Clarifying the Bank's project appraisal methodology is also implicitly supported by Michael Cernea in his recent book The Economics of Involuntary Resettlement (World Bank, 1999, p.21). He argues:  

 

 "The cost-benefit method can be easily manipulated or influenced by  a) excluding costs caused by the project, b) by the way in which costs and benefits are valued when direct market prices cannot be observed or are not conclusive, and c) by the choice of the discount rate to estimate the present value of a condemned asset. But the point I want to emphasize is that even at its best, without distortions, the standard cost-benefit method is incapable of answering the economic and ethical questions involved in forced displacement" [emphasis in original].   

 

Whilst I do not agree with all of the answers to this problem that are proposed later in the book, I would urge the Bank to recognise that the debate on project assessment methodologies is now far too complex to be summarised by the word "viable". This whole issue (including on multidimensional aspects of poverty and vulnerability, the difficulties of commensuration of values, the problems with using discount rates to produce net present value figures etc etc) is being explored in detail in many fora at the moment. These include the work of the World Commission on Dams and at a conference, "The Cost-Benefit Analysis Dilemma: Strategies and Alternatives" to be held at Yale University, 8-10 October 1999. Both fora are discussing how you can take account of different social groups' perspectives on valuation and viability, surely essential in an era where  the World Bank is emphasising its intentions to be participatory, equitable and holistic in its work.

 

RECOMMENDATION: that the Bank clarify in detail, with reference to recent in-depth work such as that mentioned above, how alternative project approaches and designs are to be assessed. The OP should also clarify that alternatives assessment must include the no project option. 

 

2) Land for land compensation: a substantive weakening

 

The second most important shortcoming of the draft OP and BP is the way that land for land compensation is treated. The approach adopted in the draft BP text on land for land compensation is significantly weaker than the relevant provisions of OD 4.30:  

 

 "If sufficient land is not available, land is not the preferred option of the displaced persons, or the provision of land would adversely affect the sustainability of the park or protected area, non land-based options built around opportunities for employment or self-employment should be provided in addition to cash compensation for land and other assets lost." [draft BP, §9]   

 

This rewording gives ample opportunity for officials to argue that they do not need to provide land for land. This constitutes a substantive policy shift, contradicting the assurances given in a letter from Myrna Alexander, then World Bank Director, Operations Policy Department, to the Bretton Woods Project (4 February 1997):    "It is important to reiterate that the conversion process was never conceived as the opportunity to reformulate policy .... Occasionally, we have used the conversion process to amend specific aspects of established policies, but only in a very few cases in which that part of the policy was clearly no longer applicable or when the Board has specifically asked for a precise change" [emphasis in original].  

 

My reading of the draft policy, and that of colleagues in other NGOs, is that it has deliberately been drafted far more weakly than the OD it is supposed to replace, w

 the problems of cash, rather than land, compensation were clearly recognised. 

 

RECOMMENDATION: reinstate the language in OD 4.30 emphasising that 'cash compensation alone is normally inadequate' and reword the second half of §9 to clarify that cash options will only be considered in a very clearly defined and limited set of circumstances. Any changes from the original policy on this vital matter should be discussed by the Board and clear reasons given for the Bank's new approach.

 

 3) The Resettlement Dispute Committee

 

The new resettlement dispute committee proposed by BP 4.12 is expected to rule on questions of application and scope of the policy. The composition of the Committee appears unsatisfactory as it may not include the Bank's best resettlement specialists. It is unclear under what circumstances Task Managers should ask for a committee ruling to proactively evaluate compliance,. What is its relationship to the Bank's Operations Evaluation Department and Quality Assurance Group, and to the project-specific advisory panels of independent resettlement specialists advocated in footnote 20 on page 6 of the draft OP? 

 

RECOMMENDATION: the composition and function of the committee should be reconsidered and clarified. The committee should include one or more of the Bank's best resettlement specialists, and at least one independent outside expert from academia or an NGO. The committee's deliberations should be publicly available. 

 These are the most important points which struck me on reviewing the draft OP and BP. Given the absolute importance of the first point about taking all possible steps to minimise displacement, and the fact that so much useful work is currently being done in the context of the World Commission on Dams which itself results from controversies over Bank-funded resettlement projects, I would urge you to consider suspending the final publication of your new policy until after the Commission has presented its conclusions next year. 

 

Please keep me informed about progress on this vital work. 

 

Yours sincerely,

 

 Alex Wilks  Coordinator

 

cc.            Stephen Pickford/Myles Wickstead, UKDel, World Bank        

Ian Johnson, VP ESSD, World Bank   The Clerk, International Development Committee, House of Common, Achim Steiner, Secretariat, World Commission on Dams, Interested NGOs 

 

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* Mr. Shahid Alam (Former Project Director, Resettlement, JMBP) Resettlement Specialist, Jamuna Bridge Railway Link Project Dhaka, Bangladesh

Comments on OP 4.12 of the World Bank.

In Bangladesh, we are implementing one of the largest resettlement projects of the world (Jamuna Multipurpose Bridge Project, JMBP) where about 100,000 people of different categories were affected. For resettlement and economic rehabilitation of these affected people, we prepared a detail program called 'Revised Resettlement Action Plan'. The program is under implementation for the last six years. Although there are few important issues yet to be addressed in this program, but so far this resettlement program has been proved to be fairly successfully. This could be achieved because of a total commitment and a flexible approach we took during implementation of the program. At the beginning we developed a good database generated from a comprehensive socioeconomic survey. For day to day implementation we also have a CMIS. The resettlement program being implemented by a Resettlement Unit, some government agencies and few renowned NGO.

OD 4.30 was the guiding principle for formulation and implementation of the above resettlement program for JMBP. During implementation of the resettlement program at field level it became necessary to prepare detail implementation procedure or application modalities. As a unique project we had to develop these detail procedures and modalities according to our need. In fact these are the responsibility of individual borrowing countries and may vary from project to project. For that, I do not consider it appropriate to go for another policy documentation like OP 4.12. So far our experience is concerned, we consider OD 4.30 as a complete document. For understanding the Bank Policy on Involuntary resettlement OD 4.30 is considered as a most precise, innovative and a document which is easy to follow. Although OP 4.12 has been termed as short and focused, but in actual term it has become more elaborate and lengthy.

The OP/BP 4.12 para 3 says that 'this exercise does not involve a revision of the current Bank policy on involuntary resettlement, but a conversion to the new format. However the conversion does clarify certain ambiguities, and takes into consideration -------.' I don't think there are ambiguities in OD 4.30. Well any document of this kind can always be improved and fine-tuned with events and experience.

In this regard the current exercise being undertaken to 'fine-tune' the involuntary resettlement policy of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) is worth mentioning. ADB in Nov. 1995 made a policy on 'involuntary resettlement'. The same policy being implemented in many ADB funded projects of the region. Now after 4 years, ADB wants to fine-tune its policy in the light of experience gained in implementing this policy. For that they commissioned a TA and conducted workshops on case studies in all seven countries namely PRC, Pakistan, Viet Nam, Bangladesh, Nepal, Indonesia and Philippines. Now ADB is organizing a workshop in Manila on Aug. 23-24, 1999 where experts from these seven countries will firm-uptheir recommendations. The purpose is to fine-tune the policy on involuntary resettlement of ADB. Similarly 'fine-tuning' the OD 4.30 in the light of experience gained by WB from all over the world will be more appropriate.

Lastly I would like to say that, the world's most eminent resettlement experts prepared a document like OD 4.30. I personally know many of them. Also at later stages during implementation of JMBP, I met and discussed with some of those personalities. In my opinion any major modifications at this stage may not be helpful.

Thanks and regard.

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*Thayer Scudder California Institute of Technology

CRITIQUE OF RESETTLEMENT DRAFT OP/BP 4.12:  INVOLUNTARY RESETTLEMENT

Introduction

From a position of pioneering leadership in resettlement guideline formulation the World Bank's recent guideline revisions have ignored ongoing and recent research on resettlement outcomes including research-based conclusions reported in two recent Bank publications. These are the June 1998 Report No. 17538 of the Operations Evaluation Department on Recent Experience With Involuntary Resettlement and  the Bank's March1999 The Economics of Involuntary Resettlement: Questions and Challenges edited by Michael Cernea. While the comments that follow  draw  on my own 40 years of research with large-scale river basin development projects, I believe they are also applicable to involuntary resettlement caused by other large-scale projects such as coal-burning thermal stations and urban redevelopment.

The Major Deficiency of the Current Draft Guidelines: Living Standard Restoration - A Deficiency Which in Itself causes Impoverishment

A critical and self-defeating weakness of the current policy is the often repeated statement that "Displaced persons should be assisted in their efforts to improve their livelihoods and standards of living or at least restore them" (First page of the 1999 Draft and written in the 1990 OD 4.30as "assisted in their efforts to improve their former living standards, income earning capacity, and production levels, or at least to restore them." ). While the first part of the 1999 sentence is excellent, the subsequent acceptance of restoration undercuts the Bank's emphasis on the resettlement component as a development project. For the various reasons outlined in the next section, allowing restoration as opposed to improvement tends to make a majority of those resettled worse off.

Research-based Reasons why Restoration tends to Worsen Poverty among Resettled Households and Communities

1. The Planning Process: A first reason relates to the nature of the lengthy planning process for major dams as well as for urban redevelopment projects. Though the exception, that can go on for up to forty years as in the case of China’s Three Gorges Project. However a 10 to 20 year planning horizon is not exceptional. During that time, governments, private sector entrepreneurs, NGOs and project affected people themselves are much less likely to make any investments within the rural and urban areas concerned. Hence by the time a decision is made to proceed with major feasibility studies including "base-line studies" to determine pre-project living standards of future resettles, those people's  living standards will already be worse off than those of  neighbors living outside the project area.

2. The Nature of the Resettlement Process: Another reason why mere restoration can be expected to actually lower living standards relates tithe nature of the resettlement process.

a. During the years or year immediately preceding removal income and living standards tend to drop for a number of reasons. Once people realize that relocation may be forthcoming, housing improvements are less likely to be made while local innovators and entrepreneurs are less likely to invest in new enterprises. Hence  in the case of the Swaziland-South African Maguga Dam on which construction has just begun this year, local people who wanted to start cattle coops and other business ventures over ten years ago were told by the authorities not to proceed. As for other impacts adversely affecting living standards, labor migrants are apt to return home to help their families hence those families losing access to remittances. Due to uncertainty over removal dates rural people may also be less likely to harvest good crops, having planted a smaller area or being told - as in some cases - by the authorities not to plant at all because removal, subsequently delayed, is imminent.

b. As for the period immediately following removal, adjusting to new habitats, new neighbors (the hosts), and government programs reduce time and energy for restoring whatever living standards those displaced previously had. During that time period (which seldom lasts for less than a year) living standards for the majority can be expected to drop. For that reason, mere restoration requires improvement. As for that minority who are able to obtain work during a project's construction phase, their living standards also tend to drop once the construction phase ends because longer-term development opportunities tend not to be available at the appropriate time. Even where plans include a development component, a time gap is common between people's physical removal and the implementation of development plans, as is the case, for example, today with the World Bank-assisted Lesotho Highlands Water Project.

Though dropped in the Bank's latest draft (hence weakening it) even the World Bank/IFC January 1998 draft guidelines themselves state that living standards tend to drop following removal, so that eventual restoration in fact would not compensate for whatever downturn occurred before and after removal. Hence section 5a)(vi) states that those displaced should be” provided with development assistance and measures for support  during a transition period until they have had a reasonable opportunity to establish their former production levels, income-earning capacity, and living standards."  So without the project, living standards would most likely have been higher for the majority during that period; indeed they might have even gone up in those countries with a recent positive rate of development -as in China for example.

3.      The Nature of Pre-Project Bench Mark Studies: Current guidelines are based on the inaccurate assumption that pre-project bench mark (baseline in the Bank's terminology) studies accurately reflect pre-project income and living standards; hence constitute a basis against which restoration can be measured. Yet even where pre-resettlement surveys are undertaken -- and adequate ones are rare -- there is a general tendency to underestimate people’s incomes at that time. For example, those involved can be expected to under-report income due to forgetfulness (especially common in regard to contributions of other family members) or fear of being taxed or because sources of that income may be considered unflattering, quasi-legal or illegal.

The World Bank's own evaluations refer to the inadequacy of such studies as a baseline against which to measure subsequent restoration. Thailand's PakMun Dam - one of the World Commission on Dams' focal studies -- is a good example since the Bank considers resettlement outcomes there as one of its most successful (in part, in my opinion, because the project authority "was actually committed to exceed the World Bank resettlement policy"[World Bank, 1998: 4]). Yet in that case, "There is no true baseline study, only preliminary surveys in 1982 and 1983, too early to serve as a baseline"(page 19)

The Pak Mun preliminary surveys considered only income, and that incompletely since income from fishing was excluded; and they dealt only with households requiring physical removal. Completed 7-8 years before construction began, results were considered so inadequate that a second survey was carried out. Though considered a baseline study by the project authorities that survey was actually done four months after the dam had been completed and resettlers had moved into their new houses. While it dealt with activities over the past 12 months, including eight months before reservoir inundation, surveys undertaken during the year of removal can not be expected to provide a reliable record for the reasons noted in the previous point dealing with the nature of the resettlement process. Moreover, "the baseline data on fishing income was inadequate" (page 6).

4.      Loss of Arable Land: Especially where farm land and access to common property resources are lost or reduced, household expenses following resettlement are apt to be greater than before. Increased costs are especially a problem for resettlers who have to purchase food supplies that previously they were able to produce, or where less fertile soils require the purchase of such inputs as improved seed and fertilizers, or where new production techniques require loans that lead to indebtedness. Another reason why loss of arable land is apt to leave households worse off, is that such land usually is passed on from generation to generation. The same is not the case where cash compensation is provided or where first generation resettlers obtain jobs.

5.      Cultural and Health Impacts: Draft OP 4.12 only covers direct economic and social impacts (page 1). It does not cover the wide range of negative cultural impacts reported in study after study that relate to loss of home, burial grounds, religious sites, and ideological and political control over a familiar habitat. Nor does it cover the public health implications of such psychological impacts as "grieving for a lost home" and” anxiety for the future" which are especially serious for indigenous people, and for many ethnic minorities and peasant communities, with strong ties to the land and limited mobility, as well as for low income urban communities.

There is no way that social cost benefit analyses can accurately reflect the hardships involved; hence the need for resettlement components to be planned and implemented as development projects to offset such costs by helping resettlers become project beneficiaries.

To sum up the above five points, even restoration of living standards requires an emphasis on improvement during the resettlement process. The failure of the World Bank Guidelines to recognize the further impoverishing impacts of mere restoration not only causes its own guidelines to be inadequate, but also encourages borrower countries to emulate those guidelines. That is the case even in countries with improved national policies for resettlement. China is a case in point. According to Article 3of the January 25, 1991 regulation on 'Land Acquisition and Resettlement Regulation for the Construction of Large and Medium-Sized Water Conservancy Projects,' "The Government advocates and supports resettlement with development." Yet the next article follows the World Bank's guidelines when it states, "all resettlers shall be assisted to improve or at least restore their former living standard in steps."  Note that the comment on” in steps" shows that the authorities expect living standards to be worse off during the transition period.

Mere restoration of living standards gives a government a fallback positioning spite of  increasing evidence that implementation of that position further impoverishes the majority. That is a conclusion, incidentally, that Chinese researchers have also reached.  Founded in 1992, the National Research Centre for Resettlement at Hohai University has been studying dam-related resettlement since the mid-1980s. Like myself, they have evolved a four stage framework for describing the resettlement process. During their first stage labeled 'Moving', they note that "the standard of living and production of most displaced persons declines;" hence the need to improve living standards merely to restore them.

The Current Status of the Ongoing Restoration versus Improvement Controversy within the World Bank

According to ICOLD (International Commission on Large Dams)'s May 1997Position Paper on Dams and the Environment "For the population involved, resettlement must result in a clear improvement of their living standards, because the people directly affected by a project should always be the first to benefit" (pp. 11-13). In the World Bank's latest publication on resettlement issues ("The Economics of Involuntary Resettlement: Questions and Challenges"), the editor and initiator of the Bank's 1980 Guidelines states "The primary goal of any involuntary resettlement process is to prevent impoverishment and to improve the livelihood of resettlers" (Cernea,1999: 6). In the latest resettlement review by the Bank's Operations Evaluation Department, the authors state "The emphasis should shift from restoring income levels, which suggest stagnation at pre-dam lifestyles, to improving income levels, which brings the displaces into the development process along with the project's primary beneficiaries" (World Bank 1998: 7).

Granted such opinions of the World Bank's resettlement experts, why is it that the current redrafting of the Bank's resettlement guidelines continues to allow restoration as the goal of its policy? The question is also perplexing because the header at the top of the latest policy draft states” The World Bank Group   A World Free of Poverty." Yet the policy which follows allows borrowers to replicate poverty. That is because almost invariably people required to resettle are poor. Frequently as in the United States, India and Brazil dam-resettlers, for example, are tribal people who are the poorest of the poor. Yet where involving what are frequently the largest development projects in a county's development plan, the Bank’s resettlement policy allows such projects to merely replicate pre-existing poverty among those who are the main losers and risk-takers.

Resettlement experts within the World Bank's Social Development Department explain this paradox in terms of strong resistance within the World Bank to revising the guidelines to require improvement. In commenting on the OED belief that "there is strong case for strengthening" the current OP 4.12resettlement draft (1998: 10), the Bank Management response to the recommendation "to change the policy benchmark from restoration of incomes of affected people to improvement" was that "Bank policies already establish high standards for dealing with involuntary resettlement" and "Management sees the implementation of existing policy as the key priority" (1998: 16).

Two other reasons are also mentioned for not altering the "restoration” stance. One is that in shifting from the Bank’s Operational Directives to the new OP/BP format, those involved are instructed to convert not revise the directives. That argument is not convincing, at least with the resettlement guidelines, since in fact they have been revised to include a wider range of resettlement situations. They have also been weakened in that some previously mandated requirements have now been weakened  to the status of suggested "Best Practice."

The second reason relates to the wider range of resettlement situations that the Guidelines now cover, including removal of people from new biosphere another reserves and from national parks, or restriction of access to such reserves and parks.  If mere restoration is acceptable in some such cases, and I do not accept that it is, then a single uniform policy for all types of involuntary resettlement is no longer acceptable. Moreover, at a time when the World Commission on Dams has the responsibility to develop guidelines and criteria, it is inappropriate for the Bank to preempt the WCD process by not only drafting new guidelines for one of the most controversial issues relating to dams, but also to draft guidelines which allow the replication of poverty.

The main argument, however, by opponents within the Bank to shifting from restoration to improvement relates to the failure of the existing guidelines to even achieve their goal of restoration.   Why revise goals upward to require improvement, they argue, when "The Bank has acknowledged that the record on restoring - let alone improving - incomes has been unsatisfactory"(World Bank, 1998:2).

I reject that argument for two major reasons. The first, for the four reasons already noted, is that a major reason for the failure of the Bank’s guidelines to restore income and living standards is the emphasis in the guidelines on compensation and restoration as opposed to development. Because of that emphasis, potential development opportunities are not emphasized during the planning process. Indeed, as the 1998 OED study notes,” the weakest part of planning is on economic rehabilitation" (page 6). No wonder the Bank's guidelines fail to achieve results since development planning and implementation, as we have seen above, is necessary even for income and living standard restoration.

The second reason why I reject the argument that failure to restore in itself is reason enough not to seek the goal of improvement is that, according to the Bank's own studies, the most successful cases of dam-induced resettlement are cases where the policy of the implementing agency or the national government is to improve living standards. Two such cases recently analyzed by the Bank are Thailand's Pak Mun Project and China’s Shuikou Project.

Benchmark (Baseline) Studies and Monitoring and Evaluation.

Yet another problem that the World Bank faces with the current guidelines is the difficulty of determining when income and living standards have been restored. Partly that is due to the inadequacy of the baseline studies themselves and to the inadequacy of the subsequent monitoring process. Partly it is due to the difficulty of determining the meaning of restoration granted the less tangible public health and cultural costs of resettlement. Where the goal is improvement, it becomes easier for monitors to decide whether or not living standards are going up, staying the same or dropping. Through the use of a range of indicators,  Wimaladharma and I, for example, could make such determinations within a matter of minutes during our long-term monitoring of the same households in Sri Lanka's Accelerated Mahaweli Project.

Other Issues

Merely omitting the phrase "and restore" would go a long ways toward making the Bank's resettlement guidelines State of the Art. My further comments relate to changes that could embellish that result but that would still encourage failure among burrowers whose policy remains a "restoration one."

Cash Compensation. While Section 9 of OP 4.12 is an improvement over earlier drafts, Section 10is still worrisome since loss of access to arable land and communal natural resources can jeopardize resettlers during national/international periods of economic downturn even where "markets for land, housing and labor exist" and where "displaced persons use such markets." Pak Mun, considered one of the Bank’s most successful cases, is an example. There approximately two thirds of compensation offered was cash. Though cash compensation for arable land was higher than replacement value, many resettlers opted not  to use that compensation for purchasing replacement land, but rather for investing in savings, children's welfare, housing and consumer goods. In OED's 1998 case study, the authors explained this 1996 result in terms of the increasing importance of nonfarm activities and employment, including employment in Bangkok. However, only several years later such households no longer have the natural resource base to fall back on after employment opportunities for wage laborers were adversely affected by the Asian downturn. Those households are now hurting.

Loss of Land (and Protection of Customary Land Tenure OD 4.30 emphasizes that "The objective is to treat customary and formal rights as equally as possible in devising compensation rules and procedures."  Section 13 of OP 4.12 weakens that statement by referring to” customary and traditional rights recognized under the laws of the country.” Where land is owned by the State, that phrase puts communities with such rights at risk, especially in countries like Mauritania and Somalia that have passed legislation favoring individual rights at the expense of customary rights, and countries like Zambia which have been considering similar legislation.

Section 31 on land acquisition. While the World Bank family has always tried to avoid financing land acquisition, OD 4.30 (1990) at least qualifies that stance by stating that” normally" the Bank does not "disburse against land acquisition."  In this section OP 4.12 drops the word "normally," hence precluding any exceptions (such as providing loans for land purchase) to a now rigid policy.

Footnote 20 of OP 4.12For contentious projects, an international advisory panel of experts should be required not merely recommended as is the case here.

Section 11 of OP 4.12 Annex. Under resettlement measures the wording should be "compensation and development measures" rather than "compensation and other resettlement measures." One worrisome thing about the Bank policy as well as the Overview of the June 1998 OED review of involuntary dam resettlement is the ease with which the Bank, after emphasizing that resettlement projects should be development projects, thereafter emphasizes compensation and rehabilitation rather than compensation and development. Compensation and rehabilitation are at best mitigation measures that do not even restore living standards. Emphasis on compensation and other mitigation methods, as opposed to improvement of living standards, is apt to bias borrowers away from dealing with project affected people as beneficiaries.

Section 21 on Monitoring and Evaluation. This is inadequate since too much emphasis is placed on the implementing agency doing its own monitoring. It is not sufficient to merely state” supplemented by independent monitors as appropriate." Who decides what is” appropriate?"

*************************************

Sam Rao, Senior Vice President KCP Associates International Chicago/Manila/Nairobi

 Comments on Draft OP 4.12, Draft OP 4.12 Annex and Draft BP 4.12 are provided below:

The World Bank should be commended for undertaking  to expand the 1990 operational policy (OP) on Involuntary Resettlement (OP no. 4.30 of about 6pages) into OP 4.12 (about 10 pages), OP 4.12 Annex describing the elements of a resettlement plan, an abbreviated resettlement plan and a resettlement policy  framework (about 7 pages) and BP (Bank procedures) 4.12 (about 5 pages). We hope that the Source Book on Good Practices (GP 4.12) will also be shared with civil society before finalization.

Draft OP 4.12: Reaffirmation of Key Policy Points

 It would be helpful to further delineate the policy  objectives under paragraph 1, as follows:

a) Involuntary resettlement should be avoided, where  feasible, exploring all viable alternatives

b) Where involuntary resettlement is unavoidable, it  should be minimized through appropriate adjustments  in project design (for example, road realignment,  adjusting dam height, etc.).

c) Resttlement activities should be conceived and executed…..

d) Displaced persons ....


 The Bank and its borrowers seemed to have largely  focused on technical design aspects first and saw  involuntary resettlement as an unavoidable  consequence. It is necessary to shift the emphasis  to avoidance of involuntary resettlement in the first  place by exploring all viable options. Also, the  examples of road realignment and dam height  adjustment should stay in the text (and not lost in footnote) to remind Bank Task Teams (TTs) and borrowers to explore project design avenues to minimize  involuntary resettlement.

 Draft OP 4.12: Harmonizing Policy Requirements with  Bank Instruments

 Under Section IV. Resettlement Instruments, it is  desirable to also cover structural adjustment  loans (SALs), Sector Adjustment Loans (SECALs),  Adjustable Program Loans (APLs) and Learning and  innovation Loans (LILs) which together constitute  more than half the Bank's lending operations. In many  cases, the direct adverse economic and social  impacts of SALs, SECALs, etc. may be evident only during implementation. Accordingly, a process approach  analogous to that proposed to be adopted in projects  involving restriction of access to legally  designated parks and protected areas may be appropriate to mitigate them.

 Draft OP 4.12 Annex


 An outline of an action plan (mentioned in para 15  of BP 4.12) with the essential elements needs to be  prepared and included in this Annex to help  borrowers, executing and implementing agencies, and Bank TTs and TTLs. This should cover not only the involuntary restriction of access to legally designated parks and protected areas, but also the adverse impacts of SALs, SECALs, etc. It may be desirable to prepare separate action plan outlines for each of the above lending instruments.


 Draft BP 4.12: Avoidance of Involuntary Resettlement

 The draft is silent on avoidance of involuntary  resettlement. The first step (Bank procedure) at the  project identification stage should be to explore  alternatives to avoid involuntary resettlement. This  would help address the very first policy objective  of avoidance of involuntary resettlement.


 Draft BP 4:12: Coverage of SALs, SECALs, etc.

The Bank's procedures to address the direct adverse  effects of SALs, SECALs, etc. during their  identification, preparation, appraisal and  implementation should be included in this section to  guide the borrowers and Bank teams.

 For consideration and action as appropriate.

*************************************


Sam Rao, Senior Vice President  KCP Associates International  Chicago/Manila/Nairobi

Some clarifications on the types of direct adverse impacts of SALs and SECALs that may be suitable for coverage under this Policy:

(i) involuntary displacement of people,

(ii) loss or significant restriction of access to livelihood opportunities, and

(iii) Reduction or loss of access to public services including food, primary education and basic healthcare.

For your consideration and use as appropriate.

Sam Rao

* Richard E. Bissell Executive Director, Policy Division National Academy of Sciences Washington, D.C

As a former member of the Inspection Panel, I was provided the draft OP/BP by the Executive Secretary at your suggestion for any comments I might have.

I have very few comments to make substantively except to say that the reformatting has helped considerably in clarifying some of the ambiguities of the current policy.  Without being an expert in resettlement, it was clear to me that many of the Bank staff found the current policy to be unclear with regard to many concrete situations on the ground, and this new approach has clearly moved in the right direction.

My only concern relates to the "Cover Note for Posting," where in paragraph 10you have stated that the planned sourcebook for the GP 4.12 "will provide detailed interpretation of various aspects of the policy."   This may create a problem for the Bank in the case of projects that become subject to a request for inspection.  The Inspection Panel bases its reviews of projects only on OPs and BPs, by decision of the Executive Directors, and not on GPs.  GPs are supposed to provide only guidance to staff and because they are not binding they are out of the purview of the Panel.  If the GP is providing not examples of application of policies but an authoritative interpretation thereof, the GP would be binding for the staff and for the Panel which would then have” jurisdiction" over it.  In such a case, the sourcebook would become more of a constraint instead of being a helpful resource to staff.

Thank you for the opportunity to comment.

*************************************

September 8, 1999

Monsieur Jean Roger Mercier
Responsable environnementale pour l'Afrique.
Washington


Objet: Réponse à la lettre à propos du projet
OP/BP 4.12 sur les réinstallations involontaires

Faisant suite à votre lettre à propos de l'OP/BP 4.12, nous vous sommes reconnaissant de solliciter notre avis sur une question aussi délicate .toutefois nous nous excusons du retard qu'accuse notre réponse. Cet état de chose est en partie dû au fait que la Directive Opérationnelle 4.30 sur les réinstallations involontaires du 29 juin 1990 telle que revue et mise à jour à l'issue de sa transformation en OP/BP/BE 4.12 sur les réinstallation involontaires traite de la question avec beaucoup de clairvoyance, d'esprit d'anticipation et de précision. Les seules suggestions que nous avons à faire porte sur le volet supervision des réinstallations involontaires.

A l'effet nous pensons que sur ce point en plus du suivi étroit mené par le vice président en cheville avec le Directeur - Pays concerné, la B.M:

a. Devrait faire mention de manière formelle et expresse d'un dispositif coercitif à mettre en ouvre contre tout emprunteur défaillant.

b. Intégrer ce dispositif à tout contrat de mise à disposition du prêt et en faire la condition d'octroi dudit prêt.

En espérant accrocher votre attention sur ce point

Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le Responsable de l'évaluation environnementale pour l'Afrique, l'expression de notre profond respect.

NAPI KAMAHA Julien Omer

*************************************
September 9, 1999

Comments from:

Dr. NDE
Executive President
Committee for the Coordination of Durable Development (CCDD)

Date of Creation: 1995
Statute: NGO

CCDD BACKGROUND INFORMATION

MAIN OBJECTIVES:

- Promotion of sustainable management of natural resources
- Fight against poverty and misery
- Environment protection
- Community development

MAIN DOMAINS OF EXPERTISE :

- Environmental and social impact assessment
- Forestry and agro-forestry
- Numerized cartography and GIS (Geographical Information System)
- Follow-up and evaluation


REMARKS ON THE DRAFT OP/BP 4.12 ON INVOLUNTARY RESETTLEMENT

Introduction:

CCDD is a Cameroon environmental NGO. We are member of GCA/Group for Concentration and Action, a Cameroon NGO network which has been fighting for three years for the mitigation of negative environmental and social impacts in the framework of the Chad - Cameroon Oil and Pipeline Project. Last July 1999, I was invited and took part in a training seminar on the Safeguard Policies of the Word Bank organized in Yaounde by the Cameroon Residence Mission. That seminar was very successful, as it helped the participants have a broader view and more detail of the Work Bank environmental safeguard policies, the Work Bank spirit and philosophy, and other aspects of that institution.

All that puts us on a better position to comment on the Draft OP /BP 4.12 on involuntary resettlements.

GENERAL REMARKS

Unlike certain complex Work Bank documents, this draft version looks simple, clear and straight to the point . The main document is divided into seven sections, and the annex into three, and the sections are further more divided into paragraphs. The advantage of that presentation is that it makes it easier for the Borrower's experts to understand and comply with.

As far as the content of the Directive is concerned, we appreciate the effort of the Word Bank aimed at reducing the sufferings and losses of the population affected by a project. But we believe that those sufferings and losses can only be reduced, "mitigated", but never cancelled, for,, truly speaking, nothing can replace your home or your homeland. Displacement has two types of impacts: material and visible impact, and moral and invisible impact. The former can be mitigated and even completely corrected, but the latter is impossible to really mitigate and correct, as it damages the intricate life web that ties a man to his home, his family, his land, the surrounding hills , streams, mountains, rivers, villages, etc, to his youth, his past, his history and that of his family, of his ancestors, his tribe... Can you pay for all that? It is unevaluable . Can you resettle all that? Is untransferable...

Thus I believe that the true objective of the Directive is, let's say, to console the affected population for their loss by trying at least to mitigate the material and physical impacts. Yet to me it is a very positive attitude, I mean to solve the problems that can be solved, to mitigate what can be mitigated, to make the affected population feel that their situation is being seriously taken into consideration.

Basing on all those considerations, CCDD agrees with the form and content of this Directive. Nevertheless I have a few remarks concerning the document. The methodology I will apply is to follow the plan of the Draft and go point by point.

SPECIFIC REMARKS

1. Title: "involuntary resettlements"

Starting with the title, I would have preferred compulsory or obligatory to involuntary, in order to stress the compulsory or obligatory nature of the displacement and resettlement: Indeed, people are obliged, are forced to leave their land and resettle somewhere else. The problem with involuntary is that it means much more
unintentional... So, compulsory displacement, obligatory displacement, compulsory resettlement, obligatory resettlement are more accurate and appropriate phrases in the context of the affected population.

2. §(1a ). This sub-paragraph looks incomplete in the French version I got. The second and last sentence ends with a comma..., so I do not know what comes next.

3. §(1 c ). The foot note (5) at the end of this sub-paragraph seems to have been put at a wrong place. Since it relates to 2(b), its best place is normally just after this 2(b), where it would become 2(c) instead of the foot note position.

4. §(1d) (to be added ). I have the sad impression that the Word Bank is not insisting enough on training and capacity building. It is as if the Bank wants farmers to remain farmers from generation to generation. Yet the Bank speaks all the time of "improving the living conditions of the affected people". Is that not a kind of contradiction?

I think that right in the first paragraph, just after (1c ) the Bank should add a fourth point on training. Thus I suggest:

(d) "In the framework of the efforts aimed at improving their living conditions, the displaced should have the possibility to learn a profession of their choice, so that they can practise it where they are or in the new resettlement site or elsewhere".

5. §(2a iii). This point is very important; as like in many places in the document, it stresses clearly that even if the concerned people are not physically displaced and resettled, they will still be eligible for resettlement advantages.

6. § (5c). Concerning the notion of "replacement cost", I would like to draw your attention on something that you may have overlooked. Lost properties include houses, plants and so on. But there two types of plants: annual plants (maize, rice, cassava, ground-nuts etc.), and everlasting plants (fruit trees, coffee trees, cacao trees, palm trees, etc.). When an adult everlasting plant is destroyed the farmer loses not only the plant itself but also the revenue of that year and the coming years. If he is paid just the replacement cost, he will plant new seeds, but will have to wait for several years (two to five, if not more) before they grow adult and start full production. So if that transition period is not taken into account and added to the "replacement cost", the farmer will surely get poorer than before the resettlement. That is why, basing on that point that we have been defending for two years in CCDD as well as in GCA, I suggest the following:

·        At the level of (5c) you should add "...for the loss of properties and revenues"

·        At the level of foot note (12), immediately after "transaction costs", you should add: "as well as annual revenues lost during the transition period, i.e. while waiting for the new plants to grow adult and start full production".

·        Just after ( c ), you should add a new sub-paragraph stating: "In case of the creation of a replacement plantation - even if there no physical resettlement - in addition to replacement cost, annual lost revenues must be taken into account, so as to cover the whole transition period".


7. § ( 9). I am very happy with this paragraph, especially as it mentions the "non-land options ". But please, add "training" as one of those options.

Thus the last section of the last sentence should read"... non-land options such as training, employment and self-employment opportunities..."

What makes me also happy is the "en plus" in the French version on which I am working. If the displaced, especially the young ones, could undergo some training, or even attend school "en plus de la compensation", it would not be a passing but a lasting profit.

8. §(12). Concerning eligibility, I would like to point out that there are actually two categories of displacements and resettlements:

1° Displacement and resettlement for material reasons: That is when the farmer has lost his properties (houses, farms, etc.) and is therefore obliged to leave the place and resettle somewhere else.

2° Displacement and resettlement for moral and social reasons: When almost the whole family is displaced or almost the whole tribal group, the farmer is also obliged to leave the place and join the others. This category of farmers should also be eligible, because they also are affected by the project in the sense that they have decided to go because of the project that has caused the displacement of their family or tribal group.

9. §(14). We must not forget that in Third World countries, most rural people have not attended school and are therefore ignorant of law provisions. That is why I suggest that this foot note be added at the level of the phrase "national legislation":

"Provided information on that legislation has been broadly disseminated in the region and local population warned of a possible displacement action in a delay acceptable to the Work Bank."

10. Footnote (19). The information should not be widely spread only in the demarcated area, but also in surrounding zone, where people may come from and invade the demarcated area. So that also should be added to the note.

11. Annex, §10. The foot note to this paragraph provides an interesting methodology as to the evaluation of replacement costs for lands, houses and others.

But I think a second foot note should be added on agricultural products , and even a third one on natural plants (forest products). Working on the Chad-Cameroon Oil and Pipeline Project, GCA experts have elaborated a pertinent methodology on how best to evaluate those two types of products. I will send you a copy of our document if you ask for.

12. Annex, § 21. I suggest that you add local NGOs as one of the follow-up and evaluation institutions.

13. Annex, § 22. The Bank seems not to pay enough attention to that category of projects. Yet some of them can have serious and large scale impacts on a large population. Let's consider for instance the Chad-Cameroon Oil and Pipeline Project: The pipeline corridor will be 1050 km long and 30 to 60 m bride! There will be no physical displacement and resettlement - as it is said - but because of the length of the of the pipe, many social groups will be affected.

So I think that the five aspects mentioned are not enough, even though they are said to be the "minimum" aspects.

I suggest you add Paragraphs 7, 8, 10, 11, 17, 18 and 21 of the Annex.


 
Comments from:

Ryan Hunter
Slovak National Coordinator
CEE Bankwatch Network
Center for Environmental Public Advocacy
Slovak Republic
September 10, 1999


RESPONSE TO RESETTLEMENT DRAFT OP/BP 4.12: INVOLUNTARY RESETTLEMENT

The Center for Environmental Public Advocacy strongly recommends that the World Bank Group not implement or plan any resettlement projects until the report from the World Commission on Dams (WCD) (due out Summer 2000) is published and fully reviewed by the Bank.

Furthermore, we propose the following five points, which were submitted for the WCD report, as fundamental for the preparation of any resettlement policy.

·         To elaborate a thorough evaluation of the social impacts of projects involving resettlement implemented to date at national and international levels, inclusive of the proposal for recommendations of a substantive and procedural nature for the future decision-making and planning of such projects. Such evaluations must be elaborated independently of organizations profiting from such projects, and also must ensure the effective participation of relocated inhabitants and civil organizations dealing with this matter. All relevant information necessary for comprehensive analysis of the social effects of such projects, must be made accessible to the entity elaborating the evaluation. Evaluations must be made public to the full extent, with recommendations forming the basis for revision of policies regulating project funding, the mechanism, at both national and international levels.

·         To ensure effective participation of the affected public in the decision-making process of any further project involving resettlement at both the national and international levels, inclusive of the timely access to all significant economic, social and environmental information. Governments must ensure reform of such processes that so far have been implemented in contradiction to the law. Governments and international institutions must ensure a fully independent evaluation of the preparation of any new projects involving resettlement, as well as the progressive monitoring and auditing of its implementation. This is to be carried out by persons independent of such institutions and organizations that have a vested interest in the preparation and implementation of the evaluated project.

·         To set up funds for the compensation of damages and loss of property for those affected by the projects who have not yet been justly identified for such. These funds must be administrated independently of the investor and organizations that partook in the projects. Furthermore, their transparency must be ensured and reports on the activities and use of funds regularly made public. The funds must provide assistance to all those who were subjected to property damage or loss due to the projects, in the preparation of their claims for reparation.

·         Governments and international institutions must provide a guarantee that in the future they shall not finance any project for which it was not made clear sufficiently in advance of the decision to proceed with the project, that the investor shall provide equitable compensation for all those to be displaced or otherwise affected. Likewise, the investor shall ensure prompt and complete information for them, together with effective participation of citizens in the whole decision-making process. This also applies to projects where affected persons do not express their qualified consent prior to the realization of such projects. International financial institutions must guarantee that they shall not finance any projects whatsoever that presupposes involuntary relocation, in such countries where legislation does not cater for the aforementioned conditions.

·         International financial institutions must cancel debts from loans for such projects in so called developing and post-communist countries, for which economic, environmental and social costs outweigh real benefits.


Finally, we express our full support for the recommendations submitted to the World Bank Group both by Mr. Thayer Scudder of the California Institute of Technology (July 27) as well as the Bank Information Center.

Sincerely,

Ryan Hunter

-*************************************--

 

D. Narasimha Reddy
Executive Director
Centre for Resource Education,
Hyderabad, India 14 September 1999


This is with reference to the letter by Mr. Mohammad Hasan, social Development Specialist, the World Bank, India, dated 22nd July, 1999, seeking review and comments on draft Operational Policy 4.12 & Bank Procedures 4.12.

The policy and procedures look comprehensive, on paper at least. however, as with any policy, it tries to juggle between the vocabulary. the intention of helping the people, to be resettled or to be affected by resettlement does not come out clearly. policy objectives which constitute the heart of the matter falls far short of the expectations, though it is more than what we have been monitoring.

Firstly, policy objectives do not highlight the purpose of resettlement, which has been the most basic contention. This is important considering questions like these:

·         is resettlement necessary?

·         is it in common/national interests? what is the definition of national interest, at least in the context of the project?

·         what is public purpose? who defines this?


OP 4.12 should have a objective of accepting resettlement only

a. when there are public projects, no to private sector projects

b. when public purpose is defined/explained in the project proposal

c. the borrower/project proposer/applicant (whether it is a national
government, or

Ministry, or department) has a resettlement policy complete with the definition and

explanation of the purpose and necessary legal framework, or

should develop a policy as such by the time the project is taken up for implementation

Policy objective does not mention the disruption of social networking and social supportive systems in resettlement projects. in fact, apart from the loss of assets, means of livelihood and other physical properties, the trauma of losing these social links is at the core of the resettlement issue. this is especially true for women, children, destitute, poor, old and crippled. efforts should be more on rebuilding these links.

Resettlement policies, plans, projects or programmes should be tailored to the political and economic contexts, and should be dynamic enough to adjust to the changes therein.

OP 4.12 Criteria for Eligibility page 5 of 8

These criteria exclude the people who are using the land or other assets, or surviving on the land and other assets, without legal rights. for instance, this includes:

1. agricultural labour
2. tribals dependent on forest resources/minor forest produce
3. leasehold farmers, or farmers who survive on `rented' land
4. poor people living in slums/squatter settlements in urban areas

OP 4.12 should include a provision to insist on the development of Resettlement Fund, possibly at different levels, national to project-level, to be financed from taxes/levies from project beneficiaries, and project implementing agencies (public or private). this is important because most resettlement projects have to be implemented beyond the main project period. This is also necessary as safeguard against fund diversions, for whatever reasons.

OP 4.12 should insist that the Resettlement Plan/project should specify the quantum of assistance in monetary terms, and this assistance should be made accessible to the people affected by resettlement, through necessary legal and institutional framework. This will be one form of check against diversions by higher-level administration, and corruption.

These are some of my initial reactions. I hope to come up